Gradient and categorical assimilation of pretonic vowels in Brazilian Portuguese

dc.creatorMagnun Rochel Madruga
dc.creatorSilke Hamann
dc.creatorMaria Bernadete Marques Abaurre
dc.date.accessioned2023-07-24T17:34:32Z
dc.date.accessioned2025-09-08T22:51:17Z
dc.date.available2023-07-24T17:34:32Z
dc.date.issued2020-11-11
dc.format.mimetypepdf
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.234
dc.identifier.issn2397-5563
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/1843/56882
dc.languageeng
dc.publisherUniversidade Federal de Minas Gerais
dc.relation.ispartofJournal of Portuguese Linguistics
dc.rightsAcesso Aberto
dc.subjectLinguística
dc.subject.otherPretonic vowels
dc.subject.otherVowel harmony
dc.subject.otherVowel-to-vowel coarticulation
dc.subject.otherBrazilian Portuguese
dc.subject.otherCategorical distinctions
dc.subject.otherPhonetic gradience
dc.titleGradient and categorical assimilation of pretonic vowels in Brazilian Portuguese
dc.typeArtigo de periódico
local.citation.epage21
local.citation.issue1
local.citation.spage1
local.citation.volume19
local.description.resumoThis paper addresses the acoustic realisations of the pretonic vowels /e, o/ that have been previously reported to undergo regressive vowel harmony in Brazilian Portuguese. It examines how the height of pretonic /e, o/ is affected by the phonological and phonetic height of the adjacent stressed vowel in three dialects: Northeastern (Bahia), Northern (Amazonas) and Southern (Rio Grande do Sul). A pseudoword reading task was performed with two speakers each of the three different dialects. The findings suggest that there is some kind of low harmony, in that /e, o/ are realized with markedly higher F1 before the stressed low vowels /ɛ, a, ɔ/ than before the stressed non-low vowels /i, e, o, u/. This effect was found for all dialects, but appears to be categorical (and thus phonological) for the Northern and Northeastern speakers, while gradient for the Southern speakers, where it is likely due to phonetic V-to-V coarticulation. More importantly, no effect of height harmony was found in any of the dialects: pretonic /e, o/ were not produced significantly higher before a stressed /i, u/. In addition, Northern and Southern speakers showed V-to-V coarticulation for the non-high pretonic vowels, illustrating with Northern speakers that a categorical harmony process can co-occur together with a gradient vowel assimilation in the same dialect.
local.identifier.orcidhttps://orcid.org/0000-0001-8913-9639
local.identifier.orcid0000-0002-5467-468X
local.publisher.countryBrasil
local.publisher.departmentFALE - FACULDADE DE LETRAS
local.publisher.initialsUFMG

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