Estado e cidadania diferenciada a partir do pertencimento étnico-racial afrodescendente no Brasil e na Venezuela: uma perspectiva comparada

Abstract

The establishment of the notion of citizenship, fundamentally named and legitimized by the State, as we know, defines who are excluded in a democratic society and also defines the conditions of inclusion and exclusion. Racism as a system of domination conditions the very title of citizenship for some groups and this occurs within the territory of a state. As a concept and dynamic practice, the significance of citizenship is constantly disputed. From the theoretical model of Iris Young (1990, 1996, 2006) differentiated citizenship is a proposal of intercultural de-colonial studies, designed in conjunction of categories that permit, after textual comparison, analyzes the ways in which Brazilian and Venezuelan state institutions with executive power implicate (or do not implicate) the dynamic and active inclusion of African descendants in the State. Analyzed in this study is the Special Secretary for the Promotion of Racial Equality (a Secretaria Especial de Promoção da Igualdade Racial (SEPPIR)) of Brazil ,Analisaram-se neste estudo, a Secretaria Especial de Promoção da Igualdade Racial (SEPPIR) no Brasil, The Presidential Commission for the Prevention and Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination and other Prejudices in the Education System (a Comisión Presidencial para la Prevención y Eliminación de todas las formas de Discriminación Racial y otras Distinciones en el Sistema Educativo(CPPEDR)), The Institute Against Racial Discrimination (o Instituto contra la Discriminación Racial INCODIR), and the National Council of African descendant Communities (o Consejo Nacional de Comunidades Afrodescendentes (CONADECAFRO)) in Venezuela. From multiple heterogeneous affiliations with African descent collectives that combate inequality, their aim was to observe and note efforts to create non-exclusive partnerships with the State. With the creation of these institutions, these two countries assume an active responsibility in the fight against racism and the possibility for the inclusion of other perspectives in political structures. Some differences are also evidenced in relation to the inclusion of ethno-racial themes in the State and in the institutional responses offered by both countries. One of the primary differences is the recognition of the correlation between racism and social inequality that appears explicitly in Brazil, while in Venezuela it is not obvious, particularly because of the shortage of statistical data. Consequently, Venezuela continues to insist on the expansion of universal politics while Brasil pursues complementarity between universal politics and focused politics. The second difference encountered is their focus in relation to the problem of racism. Brazil, is stated as promoting racial equality, while Venezuela is oriented towards preventing the manifestation of racism. The third difference lies in the institutional centrality that addresses the subject of race, in Brazil with the creation of SEPPIR and in Venezuela where there is no entity guiding a racial politic but various instances sprayed and with partial efforts in the fight against racism.